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SEMINAR STUDIES IN HISTORY
General Editor: Roger Lockyer

The Glorious
Revolution
John Miller

LONGMAN
London and New York

© Longman Group Limited 1983
First published 1983
Ninth impression 1995

Card-backed paperback in VG condition published by Longman in 1995 - 143 printed pages - size: 5¼" x 7¾" approx
Some shelfwear to covers - all pages clean and binding tight

Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
INTRODUCTION TO THE SERIES
PREFACE vi

Part One: The Background
1 THE FALL OF JAMES II 1
James II and his subjects 3
The course of the reign 6
Invasion   11

Part Two: The Revolution Settlement
2 THE CHANGE OF RULER 17
3 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHANGE OF RULER 23
4 THE CONSTITUTIONAL SETTLEMENT 34
5 THE FINANCIAL SETTLEMENT 39
6 THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENT 44

Part Three: The Post-Revolution Order 50
7 THE GROWTH OF THE EXECUTIVE:
A REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT? 51
8 THE FINANCIAL REVOLUTION 55
9 RELIGION AFTER THE REVOLUTION 62
The Church of England 62
Dissent  67
10 THE CONSTITUTION: CROWN AND PARLIAMENT 70
11 THE LAW AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT 79
12 PARTIES AND THE WORKING OF POLITICS 82
13 POSTSCRIPT: IRELAND AND SCOTLAND 95

Part Four: Documents 97
BIBLIOGRAPHY 135
INDEX  141

Preface
To most Englishmen of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Revolution of 1688-9 was indeed 'glorious'. It ensured the failure of James II's attempt to establish a Catholic absolutism and made possible the continuation and extension of the great English traditions of parliamentary government and the rule of law. This view received its most magisterial statement from Lord Macaulay, who saw in the Revolution the seeds of every good and liberal law enacted in the next century and a half (85). The 'Whig' or liberal values of Macaulay have continued to influence historians. 'The Revolution', wrote Trevelyan, 'gave to England an ordered and legal freedom and through that it gave her power' (115). To David Ogg, who compared absolutism to fascism, the Revolution played a vital role in the formation of Anglo-Saxon civilisation 'maintained by communities which are as ready to defend their liberties as they are unwilling to enforce them on others' (93). The legacy of the Revolution was, indeed, not confined to England. One has only to read the United States constitution to see strong signs of the influence of the Revolution and of its greatest apologist, John Locke. The last century has seen some challenges to this traditional view of the Revolution. Marxist historians have not so much challenged it as ignored the Revolution altogether. Seeing economic and social developments as the motive forces of historical change, they have applied to the events of 1640-60 the title which Acton and Trevelyan gave to 1688-9, 'the English Revolution'. Only the civil wars and their aftermath, they argued, constituted an upheaval comparable to the French and Russian revolutions, while the emergence of the Levellers, Diggers and radical sects suggested an element of class conflict, of which there was little sign in 1688. It was far from easy to fit the events of 1640-60 into the Marxist model of a `bourgeois revolution': indeed Engels, with more historical sense than terminological precision, cast the gentry in the historical role of the 'bourgeoisie'. Nevertheless many historians, convinced that such great events must have had their source in profound social changes, diligently sought to interpret the 'Revolution' in such terms. As explaining the events of the mid century came to be seen as the great task of seventeenth-century historians, researchers concentrated their efforts on the civil war and its antecedents. The post-Restoration period became unfashionable and, in the eyes of some, unimportant. The Revolution of 1688-9, once seen as, the climactic event of the century, now appeared merely a confirmation of the great changes of 1640-60. To some, it was little more than a palace coup.

The last twenty years have seen a reaction against these trends. Historians have paid more attention to the later Stuart period as one worthy of study in its own right. Recent research on the 1680s has given new strength to the old belief that not all the great constitutional questions had been settled by 1660 and that there was a real possibility that some sort of absolutism might be established in England. Recent historians differ from their predecessors in avoiding moral judgments about such developments: there is little of the fervour and indignation of Macaulay or Ogg. The regimes of the 1680s are considered in functional terms: the main question is 'could they have worked', not 'were they evil'. This renewed interest in the later Stuarts has been strengthened by recent developments in the study of the civil war period. The confident socio-economic interpretations of the 1940s and 1950s have crumbled in the face of the awkward fact that whenever one tries to apply them in detail, they do not seem to fit: a series of excellent local studies have been especially important here. Disillusioned with attempts to explain the civil war as the outward manifestation of underlying social and economic changes, historians are taking a new look at the political events of the 1640s. They are coming to appreciate the importance of personalities, chance and the course of events in explaining why things happened as they did. All of this makes less plausible the earlier assumption that 1640-60 saw the culmination of a complex of great historical processes and that after 1660 nothing could be the same again. Perhaps the study of the origins of the civil war will not, after all, reveal all that is worth knowing about the seventeenth century. This makes it necessary to look once again at the events of 1688-9.
The importance of the Glorious Revolution was twofold: in what it prevented and what it brought about. Contemporaries were sure that James II wished to make himself absolute. Were they correct? It has been argued that Charles II and James II tried systematically during the 1680s to lay the foundations of an absolute monarchy (116). This, to me, is unconvincing, but there is no doubt that after the Exclusion Crisis England moved towards a more authoritarian regime. Until 1685 that regime rested on the consent and co-operation of a substantial section of the ruling elite and as such had every prospect of permanence. James's loss of Tory support forced him to rely more and more on his prerogatives, which served to confirm the Tories' latent suspicions that James's religion would oblige him to make himself absolute. There was, in fact, a great difference between James's intentions and his subjects' interpretation of his intentions, a fact which must be borne in mind in any assessment of his reign. Even if his subjects' interpretation was often wrong, however, it was shared by Whigs and Tories and helped bring about the Revolution. Attempts to explain the Revolution as a Williamite putsch (95) ignore the fact that William's invasion attracted minimal opposition and a great deal of enthusiastic support If many Tories soon came to dislike William, very few were prepared to bring James back except on conditions which he showed no signs of accepting.
In considering the effects of the Revolution, we must distinguish between the intentions of the men of 1689 and what happened subsequently. Some historians have seen the members of the Convention as founding fathers, consciously creating a new constitutional order, acting out the dissolution and re-establishment of government on the lines laid down by Locke. This, it seems, was not the case. Most people were concerned with restoration rather than innovation, with patching up the old constitution and getting it working again. Any hopes of a radical renewal were frustrated by the need for a quick settlement which was acceptable to William and to Tories as well as Whigs. The settlement that emerged was ideologically obscure and untidy, but possessed the great, if negative, virtue of being totally unacceptable to very few. Pragmatism and ambiguity were the hallmarks of the Revolution settlement.
If the settlement was not revolutionary in itself, it marked the start of a period of rapid and profound changes. Some stemmed directly from the settlement. The Toleration Act effectively ended religious persecution in England. The refusal to grant William an adequate revenue initiated the decline of personal monarchy. Above all, William's arrival and James's flight to France forced England to join in the great war against France which had started in 1688. The scale of the military and financial effort required destroyed the last lingering vestiges of the crown's financial independence. It also had a profound impact on administration, finance and politics and made England a major European power, able to use her military and naval might to defend and extend her colonial empire. While the men of 1689 may have intended to end persecution and to vindicate the rule of law, these other developments were unforeseen and often unwelcome. Together they were to produce a nation whose society, political order and world role were very different in the eighteenth century from what they had been in the seventeenth.
John Miller

Index
Accounts, Commission of, 86-7
Albeville, Ignatius White, Marquis d', 100, 105-6
Allegiance, Oath of, 22, 31, 34, 49, 88, 131-3
Anne, Queen, 21, 22, 31, 32, 52, 66, 74-5, 76, 96, 108, 124-6
Anti-Catholicism, 2, 5, 7, 9, 12, 17, 69, 92, 93, 97, 104
Army, English, 4, 6, 8-10, 12-15, 17, 19, 21, 37, 39, 50, 51, 53, 75, 76, 85, 98, 108, 128-30
Association, the (1696), 87, 89
Atkyns, Sir Robert, 27
Atterbury, Francis, 66, 121
Austen, col. Robert, 42
Bank of England, the, 58-60, 90, 120 Baptists, 45, 48, 68, see also Dissenters Barrillon, Paul de, 100-1
Bath, William Pulteney, Earl of, 77, 127
Baxter, Richard, 64
Berwick, James Fitzjames, Duke of, 12 Birch, col. John, 40
Bloody Assizes, the, 6, 10, 98-9
Blount, Charles, 97
Bolingbroke, Henry St John, Viscount, 91, 92, 93, 119-20, 130-1
Boroughs, 3, 8-9, 81, 91, 98
Bramston, Sir John, 18, 132-3
Bromley, William, 91
Burnet, Gilbert, 12, 47, 66, 106, 108-9, 117, 118-19
Charles I, 55, 57, 60, 113
Charles II, vii, 1-3, 6, 7, 34, 36-7, 46 55-7, 60, 97, 117
Church of England, 3, 9-10, 30-1, 44-9, 62-7, 90-2, 118-22
Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, 5, 19, 118
Clarges, Sir Thomas, 40, 41, 87, 116-17, 128, 133-4
Clarke, Dr Samuel, 65
Colleton, Sir Peter, 86, 87
Congregationalists, 45, 68, see also Dissenters
Coningsby, Thomas, 124
Convocation, 48, 66-7, 118-19, 121
Cornbury, Edward Hyde, Viscount, 15
'Country' attitudes, 83-8, 128-32 Cromwell, Oliver, 60, 85
Crown: administration of, 51-4 `influence of', 51-3, 70, 85, 92-3, 123, 129
prerogatives, 7-9, 36-8, 70, 101-2, 123
revenue and finances, 6, 39-43, 50, 51, 53, 55-60, 87, 116-17
Danby, Thomas Osborne, Earl of, 31, 108
Davenant, Charles, 53
Devonshire, William Cavendish, Duke of, 92
Dissenters, Protestant, 2, 6-10, 14, 45-9, 62-4, 67-9, 90, 92-3, 97-8, 102-5, 118-19
Dutch Republic, I 1 -13, 50
East India Company, 51, 59, 60
Essex, Arthur Cape!, Earl of, 17
Exclusion Crisis, vii, 1-2, I 1, 17-18, 20, 25, 46
Fagel, Gaspar, 10
Falkland, Anthony Cary, Viscount, 20
Filmer, Sir Robert, 25
Foley, Paul, 42, 73, 86, 87, 88
Garroway, William, 86, 128-9
George I, 32, 74-6
George II, 74-7, 126-8
George III, 77
Gibson, Edmund, 67
Gideon, Samson, 61
Gloucester, William, Duke of 31, 88, 89
Godden v. Hales, 8, 101
Godolphin, Sidney, Lord, 59, 60, 74, 124, 125
Goodricke, Sir Henry, 88
Granville, John Carteret, Earl, 77, 127
Halifax, George Savile, Marquis of, 4, 22, 72, 103-5, 108
Harbord, William, 40
Hardwicke, Philip Yorke, Earl of, 126
Harley, Robert, 60, 73, 74, 86-8, 125
Herbert, Arthur, 20
Hoadly, Benjamin, 65, 67
Hobbes, Thomas, 24-5
Howard, Sir Robert, 35
Howe, Jack, 28
Indulgence, Declaration of (1687), 8, 10
Ireland, 21, 40, 51, 90, 95
Jacobites, 69, 89-90, 92, 95, 96 James II, vi-viii, 1-3, 50, 95, 96
as king, 3-10, 12-16, 36-7, 46-7, 101-5
removal from throne, 19-22, 27-30, 32-3
James Francis Edward, the 'Old
Pretender', 12, 14, 15, 22, 31, 32, 50, 89-90, 92, 96, 104, 107
Jeffreys, Sir George, 98-9
Josselin, Ralph, 64
Knatchbull, Sir John, 103 Knight, Sir John, 98
Laud, William, 44-5, 63, 66
Law Courts, 2-3, 6, 8, 37, 79-80, 98-9, 101-2, 115-16, 123
Lee, Sir Thomas, 112-13
Leveson Gower, Sir William, 124 Lisle, Alice, 98
Littleton, Sir Thomas, 74
Locke, John, vi, 23-30, 32-3, 65, 110-11
Louis XIV, 1, 11, 13, 50, 90, 97, 134 Lowndes, William, 74
Marlborough, John Churchill, Duke
of, 15, 74, 90, 125-6
Marlborough, Sarah Churchill,
Duchess of, 76, 125
Mary II, I, 4, 10, 12, 20-2, 29, 34-6, 100, 105-6, 108-9
Mary Beatrice, Queen, 4, 12, 15, 107
Maynard, Sir John, 30, 112, 113
Methodism, 68-9
Monarchy, see Crown
Monmouth, James, Scott, Duke of, 6
Montagu, Charles, 86, 88
Mordaunt, Lady, 29
Moyle, Walter, 114,.129-30 Musgrave, Sir Christopher, 74
Nevill, Sir Edward, 28
Newcastle, Thomas Pelham-Holles,
Duke of, 77, 92, 93, 127-8
Nottingham, Daniel Finch, Earl of, 41, 86, 131-2
Oates, Titus, 1, 2
Ormonde, James Butler, Duke of, 92
Papillon, Thomas, 120-1
Parliament, Composition of, 82-3
elections to, 8-10, 19, 52, 72, 91-3, 102-3, 115-16
parties in, 83-93
proceedings in, viii, 1, 6, 7, 16, 19-22, 25, 27-30, 34-43, 45-9, 56-60, 67, 71-6, 84-92, 108-9, 111-17, 124, 128 - 9, 131 - 4
Pelham, Henry, 77, 93, 127-8 Pelham, Thomas, see Newcastle, Duke of
Pepys, Samuel 53
Pollexfen, Sir Henry, 20
Popish Plot, 1-2
Powell, Sir John, 101-2
Presbyterians, 44-6, 64, 68, 118, see also Dissenters
Pretender, Old, see James Francis Edward
Pulteney, Sir William, 40
Quakers, 45, 46, 48, 68 see also Dissenters
Ranelagh, Richard Jones, Earl of, 128 Reresby, Sir John, 34
Rights, Bill of, 36-8, 50, 70, 92
Rights, Declaration of, 22, 34-7, 70, 114-16
Riot Act (1716), 79
Rochester, Lawrence Hyde, Earl of, 66
Roman Catholics, 4, 48, 68, 69, 81, 100-1, 104-6
Sacheverell, Dr Henry, 90, 92
Sacheverell, William, 40, 124 Sancroft, William, 46, 47, 118
Sawyer, Sir Robert, 35
Scotland, 3, 47, 92, 95-6
Septennial Act (1716), 71, 72, 92
Settlement, Act of (1701), 71, 85, 96, 122-3
Seven Bishops, the, 10, 47, 49, 118
Seymour, Sir Edward, 19, 40, 74, 86, 117
Shales, Henry, 51
Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, Duke of, 108
Smith, John, 131
Somers, John, Lord, 88
Somerset, Charles Seymour, Duke of, 74
Sophia, Electress of Hanover, 31, 89 South Sea Company, 60
Sunderland, Robert Spencer, Earl of, 74, 75, 87
Sydney, Henry, Lord, 124
Temple, Sir Richard, 35
Tenison, Dr Thomas, 118
Thompson, Sir John, 129
Tillotson, John, 122
Toleration Act (1689), viii, 47-9, 50, 62, 63, 67-9, 90
Tories, vii, viii, 2-3, 5-7, 14-22, 28-32, 49, 67, 71-2, 75, 84-93, 111-12
political ideas, 2, 18-20, 24, 28-33,88-91, 111-12, 119-21, 130-3
Trenchard, John, 114, 129-30 Trials for Treason Act (1696), 71, 79
Triennial Act (1694), 71, 72, 75, 85, 91
Union, Act of (1707), 96
Universities,-the, 46, 49, 62, 63, 67, 90
Walpole, Sir Robert, 52, 76, 92, 93, 126-7
Wesley, John, 68-9
Wharton, Goodwin, 134
Wharton, Thomas, Lord, 29, 30, 76, 86, 88, 131-2
Whigs, 2-3, 6, 15, 17-22, 49, 53, 74-8,84-93, 124-6, 131-2 political ideas, 17-18, 23-30, 32-3,88-91, 110-14
William III, vii, 1, 10, 95, 104-9
in 1688-9, 11-16, 19-22, 34-6, 108-9
as king, 40-3, 50, 52, 66, 71-6, 117, 118
Williams, Sir William, 34, 40

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